What is the optimal size of a research paper? The answer, of course, is that it depends. Some research findings are complex and difficult to explain, and are highly intertwined. Others are much more straight-forward, using well-understood methods to observe something new. However, most papers in most journals are expected to be of a certain length. In transport journals, for instance, this length is typically 3500 – 8000 words. This leaves a lot of words to fill, and people often stuff them, or are asked to stuff them, with repetition of well-known and well-established theory, regurgitation of self-explanatory tables and figures, citation of tangentially related research, and other matters describing what was not done in the research. Without a tight word count restriction, the authors have no recourse but to include filler at the bequest of the almighty reviewers, or in anticipation of such bequest.
Transport Findings takes the opposite approach. With a 1000 word cap (plus a maximum of 3 figures and 3 tables), it demands authors get to the core of their results: what did they measure, how did they measure it.
It’s really surprising what you can say in a few words. The Gettysburg Address was 270 words, depending on version.
Some people think fewer words means less work. The opposite is often true. Omitting needless words requires editing, and good editing takes time. The amount of time spent typing is not anywhere close to the amount spent reviewing, revising, and redacting in a brief text. We do that not for ourselves, but for our readers, to save them time, to help them see the point clearly without having to wade through a morass of miscellany and nonsense.
There are other reasons for short papers in addition to the benefits for the reader. They are faster to review, and so can go from conception to publication in less time than it takes some journals to move an article from their inbox to the review queue. I’d hypothesize (without any actual data, but impressionistically) that review time increases with the square of article length. So a 4000 word article will take reviewers on average 16 times longer to be reviewed than 1000 word article, neglecting fixed costs of getting people to read their email. Several things factor into this, most obviously considering the interactions of words in a text (a 4000 word article has far more textual interactions than a 1000 word article), but also including dread at reading a long rather than a short document for precisely that reason. And words beget words, a long document citing everyone but me can easily be just a bit longer.
We are now able in the academic community to produce many different kinds of research outputs, ranging from raw data, to figures and charts, to regression analyses, to texts and papers. These can all be put online at data conservancies and given permanent identifiers. Peer review still has some cache as a quality filter, let’s not waste the scarce time of volunteer reviewers with noise.
Harry Frankfurt wrote a book “On Bullshit“, which Wikipedia summarizes as saying “bullshit is speech intended to persuade without regard for truth.” I think the problem is deeper than that. There is work generated for the sake of saying that work was done.
Consider peer review. I recently received a review from a paper I co-authored in a good journal. The reviews were positive except Reviewer #2 said the word X was not the right word. X is of course exactly the right word, but in order to get accepted we had to change the paper to make Reviewer #2 happy. [I refuse to accept the charitable view that these were Reviewer #2’s genuine beliefs, it is truly nonsense.]
We complied. We wasted our time to increase the utility of anonymous Reviewer #2 in order to satisfy the editor. Reviewer #2’s ego is boosted, by having enforced compliance, and therefore increasing his relative status at the expense of ours, but since he is anonymous, only he knows. Reviewer #2 could have just said “Accept”, but that would be too easy, he felt he had to say something to prove he reviewed the paper. (R2 could be female, but he feels male.)
Now Reviewer #2 is not operating in a vacuum. Undoubtedly some unreasonable reviewer of one of his papers made him go through what he felt were ridiculous contortions, and this rolls downhill. To salvage ego, the abused child becomes an abuser, creating a new generation of abused spouses and children.
What we have here is a cycle of peer review violence, where as more and more research is produced due to increased productivity of academics (in part due to the rise of information technologies, but mostly the publish or perish culture driven by university ranking systems driven by the desire to attract international students driven by revenue), more review requests are generated, more reviewers get more annoyed at the requests, and more hoops laid out before us.
This Reviewer #2 was actually not so bad. Many others are unhappy if you don’t regurgitate all scientific knowledge up until the present day, and lay out all prospective policy outcomes going forward. This attitude has led to an explosion of paper lengths.
Reviewers would be much more polite were reviews not anonymous. This raises other problems, that junior people would be afraid to confront senior people on cases which were not bullshit. Unless everything is open, an open (non-blind) review policy from a single journal cannot extract fair reviews. Retaliation, on say grant reviews, or promotion reviews, which remain anonymous, is a risk.
Without any peer review, Gresham’s Law of Journal Articles: Bad knowledge drives out good, would surely apply. Peer review of some form is a Good Housekeeping Seal of Approval for scientific articles. But that said, what is really required here? If you, a journal, trust me enough to review (or edit) other people’s work, why do you not trust me enough to publish my own? There are a few arguments in favor of review:
First, we have Linus’s Law: “with many eyes all bugs are shallow”, and so some editorial review will improve quality and find problems. Good authors want good editors.
Second, the anticipation of peer review improves quality as you know a paper will have to get through review to be published
However in contrast, if we have a peer review system where nothing passes the first round (regardless of how good), but many papers go into the revise and resubmit limbo, authors will, in fact, submit lower quality work, and wait for the reviewers to make their recommendations, and spend their scarce time trying to satisfy those reviewers instead of themselves. In short, we have constructed a system where peer review lowers the initial quality of submission. We have become so afraid of publishing false positives (a wrong paper), we create many false negatives (decline competent papers). History can judge false positives retrospectively just fine, we don’t actually need to spend so many resources to do this prospectively.
I have talked previously about how peer review also costs society knowledge, as the inevitable delay in the Revise and Resubmit round, and the cost of going back to closed projects. Instead of rewarding academics by which journals they published in, reward them for how important their work is. This is either known, because history rewards them with citations, or arguable that the future will recognize them because colleagues believe in them now.
Instead of over-reliance on peer-review, we should view it as a filter to ensure wrong or poorly written papers are not published, not a filter to ensure only perfect papers are published. We should have a system that rewards the creation of small (or large) academic building blocks, and lets scientists and engineers and even economists file their work respectably as they develop it in the length appropriate, and not feel the need to expand their work to develop a whole new theory of civilization with every research output.
History can be the evaluator – it is attention which is now scarce, not the number of pages in a journal. Compliance with systems built for another age needs to be tossed with those systems.
Seeking letters for promotion cases aims to ensure that an outsider (someone not at your university) says you do good work, because for some reason, the university cannot trust people at its own university to make such a judgment. My promotion cases required 10 or 11 letters from other academics at other universities saying that my work was good enough to warrant promotion, and I have written numerous anonymous letters. I have not retaliated (nor had the opportunity to ‘retaliate’ against a youngster I was offended by, or their senior allies) by trying to undermine a promotion case, but I certainly can see how some senior people might if they were offended by a junior faculty somewhere, or by those junior’s senior colleagues, like a peer review.
I understand that such letters help assure that promotion is warranted, but imagine Apple computer asking Microsoft, Google, and Facebook to write letters in support of promotion of their own software engineers. That’s absurd. The evidence of my research is in my publications, and other people’s citations of those publications, not in whether someone else says my work is good. My colleagues should be able to judge that. The evidence of my teaching is in whether my students learned (and retained) anything, not in end-of-semester surveys.
But if I as a junior faculty know that I have to get 10 senior people to write letters for me, I will spend effort to curry favour by doing things like reviewing papers when assigned by editors, and serve on committees, and so on. In short, I will comply in advance so that the favour will be returned. Letter writing enforces compliance on the part of junior faculty structurally.
Let universities take on the burden themselves of deciding whom they should promote, rather than offloading this to the community. If they don’t feel comfortable assessing their own staff, maybe that’s a field they shouldn’t be in.
Sometimes compliance-enforcement takes an even more ridiculous turn. I recently had a conference paper at an Australasian conference accepted on its substance but declined because of some mysterious MS Word formatting problem that I refused to spend even more time to rectify after 2 previous revision attempts. Despite using the organisers templates, they still decided the paper somehow didn’t meet the correct format, and so was rejected. Obviously it’s their loss, they’ll miss me, and our research, (and my student who would have also presented something else), and the revenue we would have paid to attend the conference. If the papers were to be published in a book, I might understand why this matters, but that in fact was not the case, it was simply for electronic distribution, and the aesthetic judgment of the organiser, which is lacking (obviously, as it was a pretty ugly MS Word template to begin with).
Now I understand Tyler Cowan’s quote (can’t find the original, but essentially)
“The most important thing I learned in my PhD was to get the margins on the pages right.”
Back in the day, an older woman in the registrar’s office would go through your thesis or dissertation with a ruler and measure to make sure the margins on each page were just so. And if not, the dissertation would be turned back, and you got to reformat it. This was the University’s final lesson in compliance.
But really, why does marginal perfectionism matter? We did it because the system required it. Fortunately, this particular requirement has disappeared, but why did the system require it? One imagines so that reproductions of the dissertation on a smaller sheet of paper would not lose important information. There may have once been a good reason, but margin size enforcement was promulgated as a rule that lasted long past the original need.
At a major university with which I have an affiliation, I am working on establishing a new degree program. This is a relatively cost-free enterprise the university, the units of study are almost entirely already offered. However to get the program established, we have to have an Expression of Interest, vetted by three faculties involved, including 2 committees in my faculty, as well as two committees at the university level. Then we have a proposal, whose form is 57 pages. And then we need to go through all the same committees. I am told the 57 page form is designed to dissuade people who aren’t serious. But for those who are, that and all the meeting for something so technically simple to implement is pointless.
One of the faculty committees has about 50 members, all of whose job, apparently is to ratify what the other committees said and supervise one or two full-time staff members.
Let a thousand degrees flourish, and if they don’t succeed, they can be cancelled.
Just as universities accredit students (who undoubtedly think exams and homeworks and projects are a nuisance), degree programs often go through accreditation themselves to show that the curriculum they require students engage in comports with what the industry associations who control ABET think is important (or was important, as this is an exceptionally conservative process designed to stifle innovation.) The last time I went through this (fortunately I did not have to lead it in my Department), each required course produced a notebook with sample poor, average, and good work from students for each assignment, as well as printouts of the assignments and other miscellany. It is pretty clear the review panel did not actually review the contents of each notebook. They may have sampled them. The wall of notebooks was there to demonstrate compliance. Each assignment was cross-referenced against objectives and qualities students were supposed to accomplish by successfully completing that assignment. While this sounds good in principle, it is basically a database exercise, labelling things as satisfying objectives rather than changing things to meet objectives.
Let universities produce students whose value is they graduated from a university that taught what it thought important, and if that aligns with market demand, all the better. It is not as if students don’t also have to take and pass exams to be a Professional this or that, and an education that helped would be appropriately recognized, or universities don’t have well-established and largely self-fulfilling reputations.
Academics do nothing if not evaluate each other’s work. The amount of time writing letters of recommendation, evaluations of promotion cases, reviews of proposals and each other’s programs, and conducting peer reviews of articles is surprisingly, and in my view unnecessarily, high. It is academia generating work for academics who ought to be in the primary business of creating and transmitting knowledge, not evaluating knowledge creation and transmission. It is, in economic terms, a deadweight loss. If all this evaluation improved the quality of knowledge production or transmission sufficiently, it might not be, but there is no evidence I see such is the case. We adopt the forms because those before us adopted the forms.
which garnered many likes. But of course Twitter is no place to have a discussion like this. So
This is what I am thinking:
Journal Name: Transport Findings
Open Access. Flat $50 fee payable on submission (with no guarantee of acceptance) and $50 payable on acceptance. This filters the cranks, covers limited typesetting, article charges, hosting, etc. See Scholastica website for their costs, (the platform looks good for this) if I read it right, this price would more or less cover fixed costs if we had 50 articles per year. This handbook is also of interest
Maximum word count of 1000 (including References). Maximum Figure count of 3, Table count of 3.
The new journal would not be affiliated with existing journals (this creates confusion on the part of authors and reviewers).
Peer Review by 1 Reviewer drawn from the Editorial Advisory Board. (We add to the EAB if we cannot find someone who can review the article). Everyone who has reviewed in the past 3 years stays on the EAB. The Review should be done in 1 month. So while the Review is anonymous, the reviewers overall are all known.
Articles must be either New Question, New Method, New Data, or New Finding (i.e. it can almost exactly replicate a previous study and find something different), or some combination of the above.
The acceptance test is whether it satisfies the above and appears scientifically correct (no obvious mistakes/flaws) and replicable, and quality of English.
The journal has Accept/Reject decisions only. (Obviously people can submit again if they want to change the manuscript, however NEW submission, NEW reviewer, NEW fee). Acceptance Letters can add some minor comments. No Revise & Resubmit.
Scope: Findings in the broad field of transport
All data must be publicly available if possible (goes to replicability, caveats for personally identifying information)
No special issues, themes, or anything like that, the journal is basically just a list of peer-reviewed short articles in reverse chronological order.
There is a standard template for article submission, (I would say a web form, but that can’t handle equations, figures, or tables well). something like
AUTHORS (NAME, AFFILIATION, CONTACT)
1. QUESTION AND HYPOTHESES
2. METHODS AND DATA
No sections titled: Intro, No Lit Review, No Theory, No Discussion, No Conclusions
Comments on Twitter, I guess.
Now I am not thinking I should run this journal (I already have my hands full), but that it should exist. I am happy to help if someone has the energy to organize it. It should be fairly straight-forward and mostly self-organizing to the point of being self-sustaining, but it does need an initial investment of energy to get there.
This leads me to the hypothesis that the primary purpose of academic Peer Review is not to review papers and give feedback to authors. It is instead to induce authors to submit work of high quality because they believe someone will read it.
Journals want to ensure good (e.g. novel and important) papers are accepted and bad (e.g. wrong or trivial) papers are rejected. In addition to the evaluative goal, peer review may also have a developmental goal, making papers better, as any paper can be improved. It seems reasonable enough as a goal, it has costs that are unnecessarily high.
There are two sources of errors that can occur, analogous to Type I and type II errors in statistics (which is which depends on what you take as the null hypothesis, rejection or acceptance):
Error 1: Bad papers are accepted. … This is a false positive.
Error 2: Good papers are rejected. … This is a false negative.
There has been a great deal of ink spilled about the acceptance of bad papers, and the retraction of wrong papers. Obviously we would prefer not to accept bad papers as a community, as it is embarrassing, may mislead researchers and the general public.
However, we spend so much time poring over papers (the amount of time academics spend reviewing other academics’ work would surprise an outsider) to ensure bad papers are rejected that we inevitably cast our net wide enough to reject good papers. And so we almost never accept good papers on the first round.
Any rejected paper can always be resubmitted and a second (third, fourth, fifth) journal can get an opportunity to review it. This costs time. But more than that it costs a significant amount of mental effort. When the paper was originally submitted, it was immediately after the research was completed. The ideas were fresh in the mind. Authors were somewhat enthusiastic about the topic. By submitting the paper, the authors have mentally closed this project and opened the next one. But then 3 or 6 or 9 or 12 months later (or in one sad case of mine 8 years!) the reviews come back. And the reviewers want some change; the reviewers always see some way the paper can be improved. And no doubt in a perfect world with infinite time in a day, we would agree not only that this is an improvement, but that it is worth doing.
But instead, we are apathetic or antagonistic or busy with other things, as what was closed has now been needlessly reopened for what is in reality a very minor improvement most of the time to make the reviewer feel that his or her fingerprints have affected the outcome of the paper.
Some of my coauthors are also faculty members, and should have motivation to revise and resubmit, which may be a few hours to a days worth of work in many cases, and is a far faster way to get a paper accepted than starting from scratch. But the mental burden and pains reopened are that great for work from 1 or 3 or 5 or 10 years ago. I have more understanding for coauthors who are in industry, where the rewards from peer reviewed publication are another line on the CV and maybe an attaboy (attagirl) and a beer from colleagues, but not existential in the way tenure is.
But instead of revising the paper, it sits.
I currently have about 10 papers in this state (almost enough to move someone from Assistant Professor to Associate Professor at many US universities), ignoring papers that have been fully abandoned, and excluding papers that I have some confidence or hope will actually be revised and resubmitted soon. My coauthors have not yet made the revisions necessary, (nor did I, but they were the lead authors and it was really their work), and so it was not done in a timely way and thus the original reviews effectively expired; and we have not sent it elsewhere. There are always reasons, with which I have empathy, coauthors have young families, new jobs, or are otherwise busy. In the end it is a question of priorities, and the personal benefits to publication for non-academics is not especially great, the benefits accrue to science and society at large. The positive spillovers cannot be captured.
And this is after I encourage, cajole, nag, and flog students and former students to revise and resubmit. And I suspect I am more systematic about this than most people. The amount of knowledge buried on people’s hard drives because of the peer review ‘revise and resubmit’ system is a huge loss to humanity and scientific progress.
Abstract: This study evaluates routes followed by residents of the Minneapolis–St. Paul metropolitan area, as measured by the Global Positioning System (GPS) component of the 2010/11 Twin Cities Travel Behavior Inventory (TBI). It finds that most commuters used paths longer than the shortest path. This is in part a function of trip distance (+, longer distance trips deviate more), trip circuity (−, more circuitous trips deviate less), number of turns (+, trips with more turns per kilometer deviate more), age of driver (−, older drivers deviate less), employment status (+, part-time workers deviate more), flexibility in work hours (+, more flexibility deviate more), and household income (−, higher-income travelers deviate less). Some reasons for these findings are conjectured.
Author keywords: Global positioning system (GPS); Shortest path; Route choice; Wardrop’s principles; Travel behavior.
The proper metric for an academic’s influence on the academic world of academic publishing is academic citations. An academic might make many (say 100) small contributions, each cited a small number (say 10) of times, or one contribution cited widely (say 1000) times. Neither is inherently superior, despite claims to the contrary, a
nd for the academic in question, it was probably easier to write one widely cited piece than 100 smaller ones, but that was unpredictable at the time.
Academic citations are cumulative distribution function, they can never go down (they can with retractions, but we will neglect that). So by this measure on average senior academics appear more influential than younger academics, which they of course are. But this is not a useful measure for filtering prospective candidates for hiring and promotion, which is why these metrics exist, to sort people based on productivity and establish a social hierarchy.
So to begin, we have two corrections to make. First, senior academics have more opportunities to write papers. A junior academic simply has not had the cumulative time to author 100 papers. Second, the senior academic’s papers have had more time to accumulate citations. So I suggest dividing total citations by Years^2 to account for these two temporal accumulating factors.
But which “Years”? Years since terminal degree? — This favors the young who start publishing before their degree. Years since they began their degree? Almost no one has any paper in year 1 of their graduate career. So we can estimate and split the difference and say years since graduation with terminal degree +2, on the theory that by the time you graduate you should have had at least 3 papers, and that means you started about 2 years before graduation. Still this is highly sensitive to assumptions for younger academics, it will wash out for the older academics. Domains will vary of course in terms of publishing culture.
There are other problems, for instance, co-authorship. At the extreme, all 108 billion people who ever lived have contributed fractionally to every paper, but they don’t all get co-authorship (except on experimental physics papers). But someone who puts all of their PhDs on all of their group’s papers is gaming the system to the detriment of those who assign more individually authored papers. So each citation should be divided by the fraction of authorship that the academic in question deserves. While this is impossible to assess, (promotion files sometimes ask for percentages on co-authored papers, but this is never systematically estimated or consistent). Computing an average dividing by the number of authors on the paper is a good surrogate.
I am not in this business of bibliometrics, I will leave that to others. But hopefully someone in the industry (Scopus, Web of Science, Google Scholar) can run the proposed corrections on these databases and produce a normalized citation measure as a standard output.
It is my impression, and that of my colleagues, that transport and land use researchers, especially those in the accessibility community, tend to cite more nearby researchers and fewer far away researchers.
That is, European accessibility researchers cite Europeans far more than North Americans, and vice versa, independent of relevance and appropriateness. Canadians cite Canadians more than Americans, and vice versa. In short, citability decays with distance. Famous papers from across the ocean might be cited, but third tier local papers will also get cited.
This is a generalization of the self-citation observation, that people tend to cite their own previous work more than that of others, all else equal.
It can be argued this is based on proximity, certainly self-citation is (what is more proximate than my own brain), and citing locals can be presumably justified based on attending conferences and lectures, which is more likely if you are local. I think it is more based on familiarity and friendship and alliance, and if I help their career they will help mine.
Citations should be largely independent of origin. In a modern world with all of the world’s research at your fingertips, there is little excuse for being unfamiliar with far away research published in respectable journals.
I have seen research on co-citation, but nothing on geographic proximity (which doesn’t mean it doesn’t exist, but it doesn’t pop up quickly), which makes sense given that it would be a lot more work to locate the authors of cited papers.
I have recently been named to the Editorial Board of TeMA: Journal of Land Use, Mobility and Environment. This is an Italian open access journal on things I am obviously interested in. Though it is based in Italy, many of the articles are in English, the international language of science. The archive of past issues is here. I copy it below:
Urban population is rapidly reaching two thirds of the global population; thus, cities are the core of a change that need to be driven: the rapid urban population growth involve a large energy consumption and high greenhouses gas emissions which drive cities to face environmental challenges like as climate changes and energy resources’ scarcity. As remarked by the last Report of the United Nations on Sustainable Development, climate change is one of the greatest challenges of our time and adequate strategies capable of mitigating and adapting to its impacts represents an immediate and urgent global priority. This issue of the TeMA focues on the topic of Cities, Energy and Climate Change, focusing on current strategies addressed to mitigation and adaptation.
The role of urban planner is changing: ICT and big data availability, enabling them to monitor and analyse large amount of data and information, may contribute to better understand and plan the city, improving efficiency, equity and quality of life for its citizens and its capacity to face future challenges. Big data availability is shifting our focus away from the long to the very short term, affecting urban planner’s efforts on generating an effective knowledge base for planning.
This special issue collects a selection of peer-review papers presented at the 8th International Conference INPUT 2014 – Innovation in Urban and Regional Planning, titled “Smart City: Planning For Energy, Transportation and Sustainability of Urban Systems”, held on 4-6 June in Naples, Italy. The issue includes recent developments on the theme of relationship between innovation and city management and planning.
Information and communication technology (ICT) is producing urban environments that are quite different from anything that we have experienced before. Cities are becoming smarter (or rather their population is becoming smarter) and can automate functions serving individual persons, buildings and traffic systems. At the same time, sensors streaming data, are giving rise to entirely new forms and patterns that enable us to watch how cities and their populations are responding in almost real time. Big data, open data, wireless sensor networks may represent basic tools for re-thinking our development model, decoupling economic growth from environmental degradation; re-designing our planning tools in face of the new challenges that cites have to deal with; creating inclusive and sustainable communities. The new ICT capabilities will allow the rising of a new dimension of the urban social capital and a new consciousness of citizens in the monitoring of the evolution process of the city.
The role of urban planner is changing: ICT and big data availability, enabling them to monitor and analyse large amount of data and information, may contribute to better understand and plan the city, improving efficiency, equity and quality of life for its citizens and its capacity to face future challenges. Big data availability is shifting our focus away from the long to the very short term, affecting urban planner’s efforts on generating an effective knowledge base for planning.
This TeMA issue focuses on the theme of Planning for Smart Cities and invites contributions investigating innovative approaches, methods, techniques, tools for supporting urban and spatial plans (at different scales) on the following themes: Functional Densification; Social Housing; Urban Rehabilitation and Renewal; City Competitiveness in Economic Crisis; Brownfield Transformation; Maintenance, Upgrading and Innovation of Urban Infrastructures; Regeneration of Existing Building Stock; Reassessment of Urban Standards.
The volume n.6 of TeMA Journal of Land Use, Mobility and Environment deals with the topic of Smart City and this third issue deals in particular with the theme of Smart Urban Infrastructural systems. The main subjects that this issue point out are innovation of networks and infrastructural systems for people and goods mobility; advanced technologies of communication; intelligent systems for energy production and distribution; monitoring systems for provision of real time information on different aspects of urban life (mobility, climate conditions, safety and so on). In this broader context one of the key theme is the role of ICT in innovating government and the policy decision processes: by enhancing the linkages between various governmental and social organizations, ICT supported knowledge flows (Socio Technical System) is a mean for sustaining innovation in the public sector since they enables governments to better cope with the uncertainties of a complex environment.
This issue of the volume n.6 “Smart Cities” focuses on ideas, projects and good practices with specific reference to the building scale, keeping in mind that the urban fabrics have to be seen not only as structure following the most advanced technological solutions but, above all, as constructions capable of an effective interaction with urban context, capable of reducing energy consumption, optimizing the use of space, minimizing impacts on natural resources, assuring the safety of inhabitants, also through an efficient use of available technologies.
Therefore, based on a systemic approach, this issue collects and promotes ideas, projects and good practices at building scale, able to affect the quality of everyday life, without ignoring the complex tissue of physical, functional and environmental relationships between buildings and the urban systems they belong to.
The concept of the smart city has been quite fashionable in the policy arena in recent years and the question of how we can live “smartly” in a city has become the focus of policymakers and private industry. The label smart city is still quite a fuzzy concept and is used in ways that are not always consistent. However, starting from a general definition, what is central to the concept of the Smart City and what makes it differ from ‘sustainable cities’ or ‘ECO cities’ is the use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in the process of creating a more sustainable city but also the availability and quality of knowledge communication and social infrastructure.
This first issue of TeMA, Journal of Land Use, Mobility and Environment, volume no.6 deals with the subject of Smart City with reference to the urban scale. Accordingly, the papers tackle the different aspects characterizing a smart urban development: ranging from the more specifically economic ones, targeted to the implementation of strategies expected to improve competitiveness of cities in the global scenario; to those more involved in environment questions aimed at identifying strategies for improving the city capability of facing the important challenges given by the ongoing climate change as well as by the ever-growing reduction of traditional energy resources, paying particular attention to the improvement of urban mobility and energy saving as well as of those connected with the quality of life of communities, with specific attention to the participation to decisions-making processes, equity in the access to resources, individual and collective safety, social cohesion.
This issue focuses on the relations between competition among regions and cities and policies and/or infrastructural facilities related to mobility. In other words, the issue explores the contribution that infrastructural systems and/or procedures and tools for mobility planning and management can provide to the raise of the levels of competitiveness that cities achieve. The broad topic include both theoretical contributions and others more closely linked to policies/practices for mobility that positively affect the efficiency and livability of urban systems, increasing their potential for attracting businesses and families.
The Resilience concept has been largely debated in different disciplinary fields since the Seventies. An important contribution to the definition of Resilience itself and to the development of a peculiar focus on Urban Resilience has been recently provided by studies and researches on climate change. In this field, resilience has been defined as a set of adaptive capacities of urban systems dealing with different stress factors and, in particular, with phenomena of climate change and oil resources scarcity. A resilient city is defined as a city capable of absorbing shock and/or disturbances, without suffering significant alterations in its functional organization, its structure and identity features. According to these studies, this issue of TeMA focuses on national strategies and actions implemented both in European and in different national and urban contexts, in order to increase urban resilience in face of the main factors threatening their development and, in particular, of climate change, related natural hazards and oil resources scarcity.
Urban sprawl processes characterize the landscape of the areas surrounding cities. These landscapes show different features according to the geographical area that cities belong to, though some common factors can be identified: land consumption, indifference to the peculiarities of the context, homogeneity of activities and building typologies, mobility needs exasperatedly delegated to private cars. Furthermore, these processes increasingly develop while land use planning seems unable – due to the lack of capacities or of will – to counteract the causes, with multiple effects, which can be summarized in an overall reduction in quality of life.
Scientific community has been questioning about the need to curb urban sprawl processes for many decades, since when large suburbs have been changed from desirable residential places to areas characterized by poor relationships and social qualities.
L’esercizio, la realizzazione o la previsione di insediamento di un sistema di mobilità possono generare diverse forme di conflittualità. Queste ultime possono riguardare principalmente la sfera socio-territoriale ed il rapporto fra infrastruttura (in generale grandi sistemi di trasporto e scambiatori) e collettività locale, interessata dai mutamenti territoriali indotti e esposta agli impatti che si originano per effetto del sistema di trasporto.
In prima ipotesi, è possibile identificare una serie di conflitti riconducibili a fattori quali: la tipologia di infrastruttura, la scala dell’intervento, il tipo di impatto generato, le caratteristiche delle collettività coinvolte, la distribuzione territoriale delle infrastrutture di mobilità, la tipologia di spostamento, ecc.
Il numero si pone l’obiettivo di analizzare le possibili ed eterogenee forme di conflittualità, estendendo l’approfondimento anche a forme di conflitto che possono riguardare: le procedure di concertazione, i percorsi di ricerca del consenso, ma anche gli squilibri nell’erogazione del servizio ed i conflitti indotti fra classi diverse di utenti dalle nuove politiche di gestione delle infrastrutture (per esempio considerando le nuove opportunità di spostamento offerte dalla rete A/V).
Un ruolo particolarmente rilevante va riservato alla riflessione sugli impatti, gli squilibri e le discrasie generate sul “sistema ambiente” dalle nuove infrastrutture di mobilità che intervengono a modificare gli assetti orografici e le specificità ambientali di siti di consistente valore (territori alpini, insulari, costieri, etc.) ambientale e per i quali sussiste un forte senso di appartenenza radicato nelle comunità locali.
Questo numero di Tema si occupa della realizzazione di grandi progetti infrastrutturali, con particolare riferimento al rapporto tra grandi progetti e competitività territoriale, alle tecniche e ai metodi per valutare gli impatti dovuti alla realizzazione di interventi nel settore dei trasporti, all’efficacia degli investimenti nel settore dei trasporti su scala europea, ai cambiamenti nei sistemi metropolitani indotti dall’attuazione dei progetti infrastrutturali, alla valutazione, 10 anni dopo la Legge Obiettivo, delle implementazioni di infrastrutture strategiche in Italia, agli impatti dei grandi progetti infrastrutturali sul paesaggio e sull’ambiente.
La mobilità delle persone e delle merci è largamente riconosciuta quale presupposto imprescindibile per la crescita economica e lo sviluppo della società, elemento strategico per lo sviluppo competitivo di città e regioni e diritto fondamentale delle collettività. Nel contesto europeo i trasporti costituiscono uno dei settori economici più rilevanti ma, anche, uno dei principali fattori di deterioramento della qualità ambientale e della vivibilità, soprattutto nelle grandi aree urbane: inquinamento atmosferico e acustico, consumo di fonti energetiche non rinnovabili, consumo di suolo, congestione, incidentalità sono tra i principali costi ambientali connessi ai trasporti.
Pertanto, questo numero di TeMA intende focalizzare l’attenzione sulle strategie e sulle messe in campo sia in ambito europeo che in diversi contesti nazionali ed urbani, per ri-orientare la politica dei trasporti verso obiettivi di sostenibilità, al fine di garantire una complessiva crescita della mobilità e, nel contempo, una significativa riduzione dei costi ambientali ad essa associati.
L’unificazione italiana nel 1861 è stata l’inizio di grandi modifiche all’interno del paese, ha cominciato, tra gli altri, un processo di unificazione della rete di mobilità nazionale, per lungo tempo fossilizzata all’interno dei confini dei diversi stati . Il processo di unificazione si è basata sulle reti esistenti; il risultato fu che le aree attrezzate con le reti più avanzate sono state favorite, mantenendo la propria supremazia nella competizione con le aree meno sviluppate. Lo sviluppo della rete nazionale si è basata, per molto tempo, sul miglioramento della rete ferroviaria. Solo dopo l’inizio della motorizzazione di massa, dopo la seconda guerra mondiale, la rete autostradale ha prevalso assorbendo, a partire dagli anni Sessanta, la maggior parte degli investimenti nazionali.L’obiettivo di questo numero di TeMA è quello di indagare lo stato dei sistemi di mobilità in Italia secondo una prospettiva storica. L’unità italiana è stata, infatti, una opportunità rilevante per influenzare profondamente diversi settori, tra cui quello delle infrastrutture.
This special number is a selection of papers published in TeMA 2010 volume and is the second item completely in English. The selected papers are works previosly published in Italian and now presented in a different layout collected into a unique item.
Questo quarto numero dell’anno 2010 vuole fare il punto, con la illustrazione di progetti e casi di studio, sui processi di integrazione della progettazione e quindi della realizzazione delle infrastrutture di trasporto, puntuali o lineari, con gli interventi di trasformazione della città e del territorio. Nel vasto panorama degli interventi progettati o realizzati in questi ultimi anni, in Italia e all’estero, abbiamo privilegiato le due tipologie che consentono una sintesi più immediata degli approcci, dei sistemi di intervento, delle soluzioni progettuali adottate e dei problemi non risolti che questa metodologia pone in essere: i Large scale projects e gli Small projects.
Partendo dalla consapevolezza che lo spostamento sia una condizione necessaria allo svolgimento della pratica turistica tout court e di quella urbana in particolare, il numero affronta il tema della mobilità turistica nelle aree urbane, analizzando alcuni principali interventi messi in campo per adattare l’offerta di trasporto alle richieste di un’utenza temporanea ma con una forte incidenza sul bilancio economico della città.
Il numero affronta il tema della city logistics, ovvero di quel settore della logistica che studia ed attua soluzioni per l’ottimizzazione del trasporto delle merci nelle aree urbanizzate. In un’epoca in cui il fenomeno dell’urbanizzazione è a livelli mai prima raggiunti la city logistics rappresenta un tema di grande attualità sia per il trasporto merci, attività essenziale per la sopravvivenza delle persone, che per la qualità della vita, atteso che il trasporto in genere e quello delle merci in particolare sono tra le cause principali dell’inquinamento ambientale.
Urban Planning and Mobility propone un approfondimento sul tema del governo integrato trasporti-territorio. Questa forma di coordinamento deve essere finalizzata al raggiungimento di un equilibrio tra le politiche urbanistiche come input per la programmazione dei sistemi di trasporto, mantenendo salda l’ipotesi che il sistema di trasporto è un determinante per l’evoluzione del sistema territoriale.
This special number is a selection of papers published in TeMA 2009 volume and is the first item completely in English. The selected papers are works previosly published in Italian and now presented in adifferent layout collected into a unique item.
Il numero Flussi Metropolitani propone un approfondimento sul tema della mobilità alla scala sovra-comunale ed in particolare sul sistema di relazioni esistenti tra i processi di espansione metropolitana e il ruolo della rete e dei sistemi di mobilità. L’espansione della città alla scala metropolitana modifica l’organizzazione dello spazio territoriale e dei sistemi coinvolti, in particolare quelli residenziali, ambientali, produttivi, delle attrezzature e dei servizi pubblici; non ultimo il sistema della mobilità, che innerva i territori e ne caratterizza l’efficienza, al punto che, in molti casi, i ritardi infrastrutturali arrivano a condizionarne l’organizzazione e la competitività.
Questo numero di TeMA propone un approfondimento sul rapporto tra la città e il mare. L’idea guida è quella di considerare i waterfront urbani e i nodi portuali come aree di confine e allo stesso tempo di cerniera tra le aree metropolitane e il mare. I fronti marittimi urbani e le aree portuali, proiettati sul mare e parte integrante del contesto territoriale in cui sono localizzati, “aree sensibili” sia in termini fisico-funzionali che di pianificazione e gestione.
Questo numero di TeMA fornisce un approfondimento sul tema della sicurezza applicato ai sistemi di trasporto, che, come attrezzature di importanza strategica alla vita quotidiana delle comunità, costituiscono elementi esposti ad elevata vulnerabilità sia in relazione all’uso degli stessi, sia rispetto al verificarsi di fenomeni calamitosi. Il numero affronta i diversi aspetti del tema della sicurezza applicato ai sistemi di trasporto di persone e merci, per i diversi modi di trasporto e con differenti approcci.
Il numero fornisce elementi di riflessione ed approfondimento sul ruolo del governo della sosta per la mobilità sostenibile nelle aree urbane, illustrando metodi, strategie, strumenti ed interventi da implementare attraverso lo studio della recente bibliografia e l’analisi di best pratices nazionali e internazionali.
Il numero affronta il tema della pianificazione e gestione dei sistemi di trasporto e della mobilità in occasione dei grandi eventi. Attraverso riflessioni teoriche ed applicazioni, si analizzano le scelte messe in campo per rispondere alla necessità sia di rendere accessibile l’area dell’esposizione a grandi flussi di visitatori, sia di integrare le nuove opere nel disegno di sviluppo della città.
Questo numero della rivista affronta un argomento di grande interesse per chi vuole studiare le relazioni tra sistemi urbani e sistema della mobilità: le High Speed Cities. L’obiettivo è riflettere sui molteplici effetti, non ancora sufficientemente indagati, che l’entrata in esercizio dell’Alta Velocità ferroviaria può avere, da diversi punti di vista e a diverse scale, sull’organizzazione spaziale e funzionale dei sistemi urbani coinvolti.
Con il numero zero di TeMA, ed il lancio della nuova rivista l’intenzione è dare il nostro contributo alla costruzione di nuove competenze, scientifiche e allo stesso tempo professionali, su uno degli argomenti di sempre maggior interesse per chi studia e opera nei settori delle trasformazioni fisiche della città e del territorio: l’integrazione tra le discipline che studiano le trasformazioni urbane e quelle che affrontano le tematiche del governo della mobilità. Direi di più, forse è arrivato il momento di porci un obiettivo più ambizioso: costruire un nuovo corpus di conoscenze teorico-metodologiche che, superando gli steccati che segnano il confine – del tutto apparente – tra queste discipline, sia in grado di formulare soluzioni nuove ai problemi che oggi continuiamo ad affrontare con i vecchi arnesi della cultura scientifica del secolo scorso.